Reclaiming Sumbanese Sovereignty Over Water Resources
On the monsoonal island of Sumba in eastern Indonesia, freshwater is a precious and precarious resource. Sumba’s semi-arid climate, variable hydrology, and complex political ecology create an intricate web of challenges around water access, use, and governance. As the global phenomenon of “water grabbing” encroaches upon Sumbanese communities, the need to protect customary water rights and traditional ecological knowledge has become paramount.
This article delves into the dynamic interplay between Indigenous adat systems, state-led development initiatives, and the demands of the tourism industry, all of which are shaping the future of Sumba’s water resources. By highlighting case studies from across the island, we explore how local communities are asserting their sovereignty and advocating for equitable, sustainable water management in the face of external pressures.
Unraveling the Complexities of Water Tenure on Sumba
Sumba’s complex political ecology is shaped by the intersection of Indigenous adat (customary) systems, colonial legacies, and the Indonesian state’s evolving governance structures. This pluralistic landscape has profound implications for how water resources are accessed, used, and controlled.
Adat communities on Sumba have long-standing, place-based relationships with freshwater sources, weaving them into their social, cultural, and spiritual practices. This traditional ecological knowledge guides sustainable water management strategies tailored to the island’s variable hydrology and seasonal cycles. However, the recognition and legitimacy of adat water rights have fluctuated over time, as the Indonesian state has vacillated between centralizing and decentralizing power.
During the New Order era under Suharto’s rule (1967-1998), adat was often displaced and marginalized, with the state asserting greater control over natural resources. The post-Suharto Reformasi period (1999-present) has seen a resurgence of adat advocacy, as communities seek to reclaim their customary water rights. Yet, the legal landscape remains complex, with the state’s formal recognition of adat rights coexisting uneasily with its continued claims of sovereignty over land and water.
“Adat is a topic of national-level conversation in Indonesia. In discussions about biodiversity and conservation, the environment and the economy, development and sustainability, culture and history, and other poignant issues, adat is politicized.”
This fluid and sometimes contentious relationship between adat and state authority has profound implications for water access and use on Sumba. As the Indonesian government has decentralized power, regional and local agencies have gained greater control over natural resource management. However, the implementation of these policies has been uneven, leading to what one scholar describes as a “plural-legal context” where diverse regulatory frameworks shape who has access to water resources and for what purposes.
The Specter of Water Grabbing
One of the most pressing challenges facing Sumbanese communities is the phenomenon of “water grabbing” – the appropriation of water resources by powerful external actors, often at the expense of local populations. Water grabbing on Sumba takes many forms, from state-led reforestation schemes to luxury resort development, all of which threaten to disrupt customary water access and management practices.
The Indonesian government’s efforts to inventory and reclassify national forests on Sumba have become a flashpoint for water grabbing. Under the guise of environmental protection and resource production, state agencies have demarcated vast swathes of land as “protected forests” and “production forests,” asserting control over the freshwater sources within these areas.
“Water grabbing involves the appropriation by outsiders of Indigenous People’s water and land… Water grabbing potentially restricts local people’s access to freshwater and coastal resources and thus threatens water security, particularly in environments where freshwater is already limited, such as in Sumba’s semi-arid and arid climate.”
These state-led initiatives have often failed to recognize or accommodate the customary water rights of local adat communities, leading to conflicts and disruptions in traditional access and use patterns. As one researcher notes, “the ways water is managed after it has been grabbed on Sumba and elsewhere has resulted in its overharvesting and pollution.”
The tourism industry has also emerged as a key driver of water grabbing on the island. Luxury resorts, such as the renowned Nihi Sumba, have acquired large swaths of coastal land and freshwater sources, effectively privatizing access and excluding local communities. These acquisitions are often cloaked in the rhetoric of “sustainable development” and “community engagement,” yet the underlying power imbalances and wealth disparities remain stark.
“Behind every land grab is a water grab… On Sumba, where land is the main target in some acquisitions and water in others, the inverse may also be true: behind every water grab is a land grab.”
As the “next Bali,” Sumba’s popularity as a tourist destination has fueled a surge in resort development and water-intensive amenities, such as private swimming pools. This escalating demand for water, coupled with the inability of local communities to meaningfully participate in decision-making processes, has led to tensions and conflict over access to this vital resource.
Reclaiming Sumbanese Sovereignty
In the face of these multifaceted water grabbing challenges, Sumbanese communities are mobilizing to assert their customary rights and reclaim sovereignty over their water resources. This grassroots advocacy takes many forms, from legal challenges to direct action, as local leaders navigate the complex intersections of adat, state law, and global economic forces.
One poignant example is the case of Marosi Beach in the Lamboya District. When a non-local company, Sutera Marosi Kharisma, acquired permits to develop a resort on this culturally and ecologically significant site, the Lamboya community fiercely resisted, citing their longstanding customary rights to the land and water. The ensuing conflict, which ultimately led to the death of a local protester, underscores the high stakes involved in water grabbing and the determination of Sumbanese communities to defend their resources.
“Customary forms of tenure are identified as a ‘high threat’ to the forest because, the KPHL managers write, tenure is based on heritage and also because communities’ territories cross into the government’s land.”
Elsewhere on Sumba, adat leaders and environmental activists are employing a range of strategies to push back against water grabbing. These include leveraging national legislation that recognizes customary water rights, forming coalitions with NGOs and international allies, and engaging in direct negotiations with state agencies and private sector actors. By amplifying the voices of Indigenous communities and highlighting the vital role of traditional ecological knowledge, these advocates are charting a path toward more equitable and sustainable water governance.
Toward a Fluid Future: Integrating Adat and State-Led Approaches
As Sumba navigates the complex terrain of water management, there is a growing recognition that solutions must emerge from a synthesis of adat and state-led approaches. Integrating traditional ecological knowledge with government policies and development programs can foster more inclusive, resilient, and culturally appropriate water governance frameworks.
One promising model is the collaborative management of protected forests, where state agencies are beginning to acknowledge the stewardship role of adat communities. By recognizing customary tenure systems and empowering local decision-making, these partnerships have the potential to safeguard critical water sources while respecting the autonomy of Indigenous populations.
“Forest managers appreciate that adat causes people to avoid taboo places, refrain from degrading sacred places within the forest, conserve specific trees such as banyans, and not hunt special birds such as crows and owls.”
Similarly, community-based water infrastructure projects, supported by NGOs and government agencies, are enabling Sumbanese communities to regain control over their water resources. These collaborative efforts leverage local knowledge and labor to construct wells, pipelines, and distribution systems that meet the specific needs of each village, fostering a sense of collective ownership and responsibility.
As Sumba continues to grapple with the challenges of water grabbing, the integration of adat and state-led approaches offers a promising pathway toward a more equitable, sustainable, and culturally-grounded water future. By centering the voices and knowledge of Indigenous communities, these fluid frontiers of water governance can serve as a model for other regions facing similar water scarcity and tenure pressures.
